Why is Dmitry Medvedev Re-asserting Himself?

Dmitry Medvedev’s article in the Izvestia newspaper assesses the new challenges facing the United Russia party can and should be considered in the unfolding process of the transit of power in our country. And then a few moments.

The first is personal. Dmitry Anatolyevich and the political and financial groups standing next to him and behind him continue to play a scenario where he can claim the post of the new (old) head of state, after the resignation of Vladimir Putin. This requires political activism, demonstration of will, new solutions, response to emerging problems. These positions the article, in general, reflects.

Dmitry Medvedev again appears as one of the leading political players of our country, leaving pension reform behind brackets, and playing off the current agenda.

The second is party. The question remains, which political force will form the basis for ensuring the transit process in the political sphere. United Russia is losing its position more and more. More than once there were doubts about its ability to bring social and political processes in the country over the next few years to a given point of trajectory. There is a problem with personnel, and a problem with the image, and the problem with ideas. All this gives falling ratings and a gradual (yet sluggish, but still) process of removal from the “ER” political players of different levels, from governors to municipal deputies. Here is an application for rebranding, for renewal, for strengthening of positions. A clear bid to maintain the status quo, at a minimum. And at best to intercept the initiative. Of course, you can’t organize such a process with one article. By the way, unlike the first position. And the problems with real work on the ground will be obvious. The party will have to fight with poor personnel hands of the same personnel. The party will have to change the line of conduct with the same hands that designed the current one. The party will have to look for new initiatives in the heads of the same people who have offered little themselves to date. It’s hard, but we’ll do it, the classic said. Probably, and to do something else is impossible, there is the material that is, and will have to work with it.

The third is financial and organizational. Here everything is clear, familiar and simple. It is up to the party to take control of the implementation of national projects. Given that the leadership of the party and the leadership of the regions, for the most part, are the same people, it will be quite easy to organize. The Prime Minister will also oversee the implementation of national projects at the federal level, and as the party leader will oversee the implementation process. The main thing is that the execution, financial flows, and control over their expenditure will be in the same hands. It’s very convenient.

At the same time, if another supervisory body is added to the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation, the Investigative Committee, the Prosecutor’s Office, it will not change anything. But the resource will be concentrated large. It can play a decisive role in the transit process. This is not only the only meaningful and described idea of what the government is doing and what citizens should get from it, but also real money, and very large ones. Maybe to such an extent the last such big money in the current political game before the change of team.

That’s the real impact on the situation. This is the map laid out on the table.

Dmitry Solonnikov, political scientist and director of the Institute for Contemporary State Development.

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